A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections by Yoshiki Ogawa PDF

By Yoshiki Ogawa

ISBN-10: 0195143876

ISBN-13: 9780195143874

ISBN-10: 0195143884

ISBN-13: 9780195143881

Syntactically conversing, it has lengthy been identified that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas such a lot syntactic theories contain this precept, nouns have in general been considered as not so good as verbs by way of their licensing talents, and nominal projections were considered as much less complicated than verbal projections when it comes to the variety of practical different types that they comprise. Ogawa, besides the fact that, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This e-book presents a unified concept of clauses and noun words, eventually assisting to simplify quite a few thorny concerns within the syntax/morphology interface.

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Extra resources for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections

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Another asymmetry between English and French is that the former does not allow overt raising of transitive verbs that take an NP complement, whereas the latter requires overt raising of all finite verbs to T (Emonds 1978, Pollock 1989):6 (12) a. b. (13) a. b. Paul hardly speaks Italian, *Paul speaks hardly Italian. *Pierreapeineparlel'italien. (=(12a)) Pierre parle a peine 1'italien. (= (12b)) (Pollock 1989:378) My claim is that the contrast between (11a) and (lib) is related to the contrast between (12) and (13).

The second difference between the Mainland Scandinavian languages (MSLs) and the Germanic SOV languages, which is a real difference between Verb Raising and Null Complementizers 39 them, is the fact that without embedded topicalization, the null C is permitted in a complement clause even without the V-to-C in an embedded clause. (The examples in (51) are also taken from Reinholtz 1990:461): (51) a. Karen siger (at) Peter ikke har laest den bog. ' b. Erik sa (att) han inte kopte den boken. ' c. Vi vet (at) han aldri leste disse b < > kene.

This means that 'lexically zero-derived' words and words to which a null morpheme has affixed in the overt syntax are both constrained by (5). For now, I have no decisive answer to the question of why Morphology imposes such a condition or the question of whether condition (5) could be reduced to a more general principle of grammar. 2 Null Complementizers as Null Affixes As occasionally discussed in Kayne (1981), Stowell (1981), and Pesetsky (1992, 1995), among others, the finite clausal complement to a (derived) nominal cannot be headed by the null C: (7) the statement *(that) John is guilty (=(lc)) Pesetsky's idea is that the obligatoriness of that in (7) is accommodated in the same way as Myers's Generalization if the null C is assumed to be affixal, and hence a word to which it is attached resists further suffixation for the same reasons as the other zero-derived words.

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A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections by Yoshiki Ogawa

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