By Dara Z. Strolovitch
The usa boasts rankings of corporations that provide the most important illustration for teams which are marginalized in nationwide politics, from ladies to racial minorities to the negative. right here, within the first systematic examine of those firms, Dara Z. Strolovitch explores the demanding situations and possibilities they face within the new millennium, as waning felony discrimination coincides with expanding political and fiscal inequalities within the populations they characterize. Drawing on wealthy new info from a survey of 286 businesses and interviews with 40 officers, Strolovitch unearths thatВ groups too frequently prioritize the pursuits in their such a lot advantaged participants: male instead of woman racial minorities, for instance, or prosperous instead of bad girls. yet Strolovitch additionally unearths that many companies attempt to therapy this inequity, and he or she concludes through distilling their most sensible practices right into a set of rules that she calls affirmative advocacyвЂ”a type of illustration that goals to beat the entrenched yet frequently sophisticated biases opposed to humans on the intersection of a couple of marginalized staff. Intelligently combining political concept with refined empirical equipment, Affirmative Advocacy should be required analyzing for college kids and students of yank politics.
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Additional resources for Affirmative Advocacy: Race, Class, and Gender in Interest Group Politics
Williams 1998, 15), because their moral standing is questionable, or because they do not conform to “middle-class or dominant constructions of moral, normative, patriarchal citizenship” (C. Cohen 1999, 13–14). , a minority), though—as illustrated by the examples of billionaires, who are a minority of all Americans, and by women, who constitute a majority of the population—minority status on its own is not necessary or sufﬁcient to qualify a group as marginalized. In addition, membership in marginalized groups helps structure patterns of social and political inequality, and membership in these groups is not usually experienced as voluntary or mutable (M.
Others counter that the Democrats are too willing to sacriﬁce these latter constituencies in pursuit of swing voters who support Democratic economic positions but who have conservative views when it comes to policy issues such as abortion, afﬁrmative action, and LGBT rights (Frymer 1999). the iron law of oligarchy A third constellation of reservations about the extent to which advocacy organizations represent disadvantaged subgroups overlaps with these ﬁrst two and stems from what some scholars claim are the conservatizing effects of formal, professionalized, and institutionalized organizations on the participatory, democratic, and radical social movements out of which they grow (Gamson and Schmeidler 1984; Michels 1911; Piven and Cloward 1977; Staggenborg 1988; Valocchi 1990, 1993).
6 According to both Michels and Piven and Cloward, then, the clear consequence of the proliferation of advocacy organizations is decreased movement efﬁcacy and an abandonment of issues affecting disadvantaged groups. 20 · chapter two socioeconomic biases in political participation Levels of advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged subgroups are also likely to be low because of the socioeconomic biases associated with political and organizational activity in the United States. Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Scholzman, and Henry Brady, for example, ﬁnd much lower levels of organizational membership among women, African Americans, Latinos, and people with lower levels of income and education (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995).
Affirmative Advocacy: Race, Class, and Gender in Interest Group Politics by Dara Z. Strolovitch