By Omer Preminger
In this booklet, Omer Preminger investigates how the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract is enforced via the grammar. Preminger argues that an empirically sufficient idea of predicate-argument contract calls for recourse to an operation, whose obligatoriness is a grammatical primitive no longer reducible to representational houses, yet whose winning end result isn't enforced through the grammar.
Preminger's argument counters modern ways that locate the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract enforced via representational skill. the main admired of those is Chomsky's "interpretability"-based notion, within which the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract is enforced via derivational time bombs. Preminger provides an empirical argument opposed to modern methods that search to derive the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract solely from derivational time bombs. He bargains as a substitute another account in line with the idea of obligatory operations better fitted to the proof. The an important facts contains utterances that inescapably contain attempted-but-failed contract and are still absolutely grammatical. Preminger combines a close empirical research of contract phenomena within the Kichean (Mayan) languages, Zulu (Bantu), Basque, Icelandic, and French with an in depth and rigorous theoretical exploration of the far-reaching effects of those information. The result's a singular thought that has profound implications for the formalism that the thought of grammar makes use of to derive compulsory methods and homes.
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Additional resources for Agreement and Its Failures
Miren-i gozoki-ak Miren-dat sweet-artpl (abs) Ø-zai-zki-o. ’ gusta-tzen like-impf b. Ni Miren-i gusta-tzen na-tzai-Ø-o. ’ (Albizu 1997:21, Rezac 2008b:73) As Albizu (1997) and Rezac (2008b) show, applicative unaccusatives provide a particularly vivid illustration of the deeply syntactic nature of the PCC. That is because the very same auxiliary form that is ruled out in (36b) can be used felicitously with an absolutive > dative verb. (37) Ni Peru-ri hurbildu na-tzai-Ø-o. ’ (Rezac 2008b:73) Importantly, the identity between the auxiliary in (37) and the one ruled out by the PCC in (36b) is not merely phonological, but also morphological: the set of ϕ -feature values expressed by the auxiliary in (37) is the same as the target set in (36b).
Crosslinguistically, however, obligatory clitic doubling is not unique to Basque: as noted by Arregi and Nevins (2012), the same is found with strong object pronouns in Spanish (Jaeggli 1982, Suñer 1988) and with subjects in certain Northern Italian dialects (Poletto 2000). Turning now to the account put forth by Béjar and Rezac (2003; henceforth, B&R): the point of departure for their account is the idea that the set of features normally referred to as “ϕ -features” does not actually act as an atomic, indivisible unit, as far as the syntactic derivation is concerned.
Of course, relativized probing effects are commonplace with interrogative 0 C (see Richards 2001, and references therein), but seem quite rare when it comes to ϕ -agreement. 2. At this point, one might wonder about indirect objects in Kichean, and how they interact with agreement in the AF construction (in other words, the fate of the ϕ -probing counterpart of (47c)). It turns out that Kichean does not have true indirect objects in the morphosyntactic sense. 8 (49) a. ’ b. ’ When the notional Source/Goal is a lexical noun phrase, it appears as a complement to the relational noun, as in (49a); when the notional Source/Goal is pronominal, it appears as possessor agreement on the relational noun, as in (49b) (note that across the Mayan family, ergative agreement and possessive/genitive agreement are identical).
Agreement and Its Failures by Omer Preminger