By Elly van Gelderen, Jóhanna Barðdal, Michela Cennamo
The current quantity is founded round 5 linguistic subject matters: argument constitution and encoding suggestions; argument constitution and verb periods; unexpressed arguments; cut up intransitivity; and existential and presentational buildings. The articles additionally conceal quite a few typologically diversified languages, they usually provide new info from under-researched languages at the problems with occasion and argument constitution. from time to time novel views from broadly mentioned languages on hugely debated issues are provided, additionally addressing extra theoretical facets about the predictability and derivation of linking. a number of contributions follow present versions of the lexicon–syntax interface to synchronic information. different contributions specialise in diachrony and are in accordance with wide use of corpora. but others, even though empirically and theoretically grounded, privilege a methodological dialogue, featuring analyses in keeping with thorough and long-standing fieldwork.
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Additional resources for Argument Structure in Flux: The Naples-Capri Papers
Finally, the dummy (first column) enters the structure as a direct object (taking over the syntactic function of paura, its pivot) and then advances to final subject. g. g. ; P erlmutter 1983; La Fauci & Loporcaro 1997; La Fauci & Rosen 2010). 4. 1 The hypothesis of an impersonal structure for prendere + NPS constructions in Italian, formulated above on the basis of intralinguistic evidence, finds independent support in comparative evidence from other Romance languages. French has a comparable construction, illustrated in (24–26): (24) Il prit à ce Mordaunt un dégoût de expl take-3sg to this m.
Il lui avait pris des inquiétudes. pl ‘He had been seized by anxieties’ Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates b. Ø gli erano prese delle inquietudini. ) of a phonologically overt expletive in initial position (il ~ Ø); ii. the finite verb form a. appears invariably in the unmarked 3rd singular in French (avait); b. shows number agreement with the NPS in Italian (erano); iii. in perfective periphrastic forms, the past participle a. appears invariably in the non-agreeing form in French (pris); b.
In 4 presa agrees with nostalgia), and that it can be the source of the ne-partitive clitic as in (22): (22) (Di attacchi di panico)j , glienej presero tanti. e. surface) subjects. e. in 3. This accounts for the contrast between couples like (a) ~ (a1) and (b) ~ (b1) (Perlmutter 1983: 174): a. Molte sinfonie di Mozart gli sono piaciute. ’ a1. ne sono piaciute. ’ b. Gli sono piaciute molte sinfonie di Mozart. pl of Mozart. ’ b1. Gliene sono piaciute molte. ’ As we can see, molte sinfonie di Mozart can be the source of partitive ne in (b) (where this NP is not the final subject), but not in (a) (where it is the final subject).
Argument Structure in Flux: The Naples-Capri Papers by Elly van Gelderen, Jóhanna Barðdal, Michela Cennamo